Saleh Asks Forgiveness And Leaves

SANA’A, Jan. 22 — President Ali Abdullah Saleh has left Yemen On Sunday to Oman after giving a farewell speech on Yemen TV. In his speech he also asked his people for forgiveness and announced that he is leaving to seek medical treatment in the USA after being granted immunity from persecution. “I will travel and return for the next president’s swearing-in ceremony,” said Saleh. Elections are due to be held on February 21, though the parliament has already named Vice President Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi as the sole candidate. In the conference aired on Yemen TV, Saleh announced that all his authorities are now delegated to Hadi as well as promoting him to Field Marshal, head of the Yemeni military. “I promote Hadi to the rank of Field Marshal as a reward for his loyalty,” said Saleh in his farewell speech. Associated Press reported that Saleh will now head to Oman, en route to the United States for medical treatment. While, the US is not willing to offer him permanent leave to remain, it is reportedly trying to find a country willing to take the ousted president. On Saturday the Yemeni parliament finally approved Saleh’s controversial immunity law, after it was repeatedly postponed, and finally amended, since December. Prime Minister of the interim government Mohammed Salem Basundwa gave a brief, tearful speech prior to the vote, designed to motivate MPs to vote in favor of immunity for Saleh. “I know that by asking you to approve this law I will be cursed by some people, and some others will be blessed but as I told you before I am ready to be killed in the street for this country,” said Basundwa. Following the law’s approval, independent youth marched in Change Square, voicing their rejection of any immunity on Saturday night. A video produced by the SupportYemen campaign, called “take a wake in my shoes”, sought to highlight their demands to the international community, and explain why they cannot accept the immunity law. However, before being approved, the law was amended to remove the blanket amnesty for Saleh’s aids and regime over the last 33 years. The final version of the law limited the immunity to officials only, and only for “politically motivated” crimes committed while conducting official duties. UN envoy Jamal Benomar welcomed the law in a press conference on Saturday but made it clear that the immunity does not cover certain crimes. “The UN cannot condone a broad amnesty that covers UN classified crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes, gross violations of human rights, and sexual violence,” said Benomar. But according to the law, Saleh’s now enjoys full immunity from prosecution in Yemen. However, the immunity only extends to the date that the law was passed. Even Saleh is accountable for any crimes committed from January 22. A National Reconciliation and Transitional Justice project will also be set up by the government to offer compensation to victims’ families. “The immunity includes everything, even Al-Nahden explosions that targeted Saleh, as no blood is more expensive than another,” said MP Ali Abd Rabu Al-Qadhi of the independent bloc. “The National Reconciliation project will consider those who lost relatives or properties.” On Sunday, the air force protested at Sana’a International Airport, demanding the removal of Saleh’s half-brother, Mohammed Saleh Al-Ahmer, chief of the air force. Many high-ranking officials are also members of Saleh’s family – and campaigners have been calling for their removal as well. Flights were delayed due to the protests, while arriving flights were diverted to Taiz, Hodeida and Aden, according to Colonel Ahmed Saleh. “We will never give up our demands, if General Mohammed Saleh Al-Ahmer listened to us and gave us our rights we would have accepted, but now it is too late, we demands his departure above anything,” said the Colonel. According to Saleh, Al-Ahmer stole billions of rials under the name of air force employees’ bonuses, nutrition packs and weapons. He also deprived them of promotion opportunities for years. Minister of Defense Mohammed Nasr Ahmed met with Al-Ahmer to solve the situation, while Hadi promised to respond to their demands within two days. http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=35117

reactions on GCC deal

This post is a collection of Yemenis point of views on the GCC initiative that is supposed to be signed today between the political opposition parties and the ruling party headed by president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his Deputy Abdurabu Manure Hadi, the deal that has been negotiated since April [eight months so far], it is worth mentioning that the deal is not clear to the public all what people talk about is that the deal guarantee impunity to Saleh although more than 2195 has died between February and August 2011according to Abaad studies and researches center.

Nadwa Dawsari-Johnson commented on Facebook describing the GCC deal

“ ‎1.Saleh remains president. Forget about him giving up his powers to Hadi. We all know that it is not going to happen. If Saleh is here and he has impunity and his arms are still there it is HE who will rule Yemen. “ she added,”

2.A committee to oversee military and security forces. That committee has the authorities to fire commanders who “don’t listen to orders”. This means Saleh’s sons, nephews and relatives will continue to command security and military units!!!”

3.”Elections by January. That is the MOST stupid thing. First technically we need 9 months to organize an election (voter registration, voter education, campaigning period, then elections). The current voter registry is not only old but also full of fraud. JMP themselves know that. I don’t know how they agreed on elections based on that VR but I guess, as always, JMP is after negotiations for sharing seats not really fair and free elections.

4.The mechanism gives Saleh and his family impunity from trial.

5.Government and parliament decisions are taken by consensus??!!!This opens the doors so wide for games playing and stalemate tactics.”

Fatima al-Aghbari and activist said “symbolic president!!! Why is it [Yemen] a company or an organization”.

Khalid al-Ansi, one of the protests leaders posted that the question should not be if Saleh will sign it or not it should be how many he has killed since 22 of May until 22 of Nov? he also posted “the opposition will be part of the regime as soon as the GCC deal is implemented as the opposition will form a unity government with the “killers” and the opposition will have to swear an oath to Hadi, Saleh’s deputy and partner in killing, then the revolution youth will have to continue their revolution and call to topple the regime that the opposition will be part of”

 

Locals in Abyan accuse regime of fomenting chaos

SANA’A, June 26 — A leading Al-Qaeda figure confirmed to the Yemen Times that the fight in Abyan governorate, which has displaced over 1,300 families from the governorate, is against Al-Qaeda warriors and other cooperating “armed groups” that do not belong to Al-Qaeda, but share the same aim on the ground. Locals told the Yemen times that security forces didn’t fight the armed groups as effectively as they could, so that they could to show the world that the southern part of Yemen is always under threat of terrorism, and that they could only be unified with the north under the current regime’s control. Mohamed Khanbash, a lieutenant colonial from a village only 20 km away from Zinjibar, said that it was easy for the armed groups to overcome the city and government facilities. “They [the regime] want to send a message to the US that the Joint Meeting Party or the revolutionaries are those behind the armed groups in Abyan, to make the US take a position against the revolution,” said Khanbash. Although the locals believe the armed groups are sent by the regime, they try to keep them out of their villages in order to avoid drone strikes. “We advise some of these armed people not to enter our villages to avoid troubles and they listen,” said Khanbesh. “The authority wants to create chaos in the south. They are doing their worst against us with their policies,” said a local from Abyan. Khalid Al-Abd, a local journalist from Loder in Abyan, said that the situation is in Loder is terrible, with long queues for fuel and gas, and business completely stopped. “The armed groups in Zinjibar are originally from Loder. They were found by some of the regime figures in Sana’a who are claiming their support for the revolution now,” said Al-Abd. “What’s happening in Abyan should be questioned this way: why is the fight against terrorists happening only in the south and not in the north? It’s a play to make unification sound like the only solution to counter terrorism,” he added. “We are stronger than ever,” said an Al-Qeada member who asked to remain anonymous. Although there has been no official statement from the White House that the drone strikes used against armed groups in Abyan are American, Yemeni security experts say the drones are American. The New York Times reported a US official as saying that the Obama administration is using the country’s power vacuum to strike at militant suspects with armed drones and fighter jets. The fact that American drones strikes against a Yemeni city provokes Al-Qaeda and makes them strengthen their operations according to an Al-Qaeda member, and gains them more local support. “Every day they are striking civilians. It’s a crime against humanity,” said a former colonel that was suspended last January. “The armed groups are few, and there is no way they could take over the city unless they were facilitated by officials. And that’s what happened. Everything is under their control,” he added. The displaced families escaped fearing for their lives to Aden, and were relocated within local schools, according to Islamic Relief Yemen. Security force officials were replaced in Zinjibar after they escaped according to Adbellah Saeed, head of central security in Modya, Abyan. After Tuesday’s attack on Al-Hutta, Lahj civilians confirmed to the Yemen Times that the armed groups were known from Al-Hamra village and were not Al-Qaeda members. “There were crazy explosions the whole night. The armed group were mingling in the city and no one stooped them. But the fight started when we heard that they aimed to control the bank. The security forces only fight when it comes to money, but when our lives might be exposed to danger they don’t care much,” said one of the residents of Al-Hutta. http://www.yementimes.com/defaultdet.aspx?SUB_ID=36248

Faces from Yemen’s revolution: Ameen Dabwan

In the center of a march led by the independent youth from their stage in front of the old university, one can always find a 31-year-old protester holding a microphone and shouting chants against the US and Saudi Arabian governments, both of whom try to paint “the Yemeni revolution as a political crisis.”He comes from a family that gave two of its sons to serve the revolution, one in Change Square in Sana’a, and the other in Horiya Square in Taiz. Ameen Dabwan in was born in Shara’ab, Al-Rona in Taiz governorate.  He graduated from the faculty of education and majored in chemistry.  Before the revolution started in February, he was continuing his studies and preparing for a master’s degree from Sana’a University.  He is head of a small family consisting of him, his wife, a son and a daughter.Dabwan, who comes from a poor social class, had to struggle to reach his goal of getting his master’s degree while also feeding his family. In a country that considers those holding a masters degree among the elite, Dabwan works a second job all night in a humble cafeteria after studying in the morning and then teaching school in the afternoon. Dabwan is one of the people responsible for the independent youth stage and always gives a speech to urging them to never give up their revolution regardless of any pressure by other sides, the state or the Joint Meeting Parties. “We were suffering, everything in our lives were just small parts of the great things they could be. Whenever the head of the university gives a lecture he compliments the president for no reason,” said Dabwan. Dabwan was among those who sparked the revolution.  He believed in it then and still believes in it with the same strength. “I had faith in the revolution when I first saw the people go against injustice in the first few demonstrations, “ he said. Although he spends his whole day in the square, Dabwan did not originally have a tent as his house is near the protest area. Then, when he and his friends started a coalition of the Yemen Free Youth as part of the independent youth work, he was member of its council. Thus his first tent was the tent they set up for the coalition, which acted as a shelter and organizational point for the independent youth who faced difficulties with the Islah party.  The coalition’s slogan was “No Political Parties, Our Revolution is a Youth Revolution.” Dabwan was once almost kidnapped by anonymous men in a car on his way from the Square to Madhbah.  Inside the square he also faced violations of his rights and continuous interrogations “because of the coalition”.  “We kept silent for long time about the violations against the independent youth, but now we have silent marches inside the square to condemn the violations against us,” he said. In the early days of the revolution, he said, “They [Islah] cut of our banners sometimes, some of the more active youth in our coalition faced double danger as they were followed by the security forces and also sometimes kidnapped by the Islamists in the square.  Still, we try to address this kind of behavior inside the square because we are aiming for a more cohesive country.” Dabwan was also threatened with being transferred from his job and was interrogated on the charge of “leading school students to engage in political activism in Change Square.”  His salary was suspended as a result. “Ameen is one of those youth leaders in Change Square who works in silence, a very modest person who always smiles and knows how to absorb anger,” said one of the protesters. Dabwan said that the independent youth are more revolutionary despite their poverty, and that despite their being less organized than other popular movements in the Arab World, their efforts will eventually end the revolution and achieve their goals. “I vow to continue the revolution.  The US and Saudi Arabia won’t change our dreams.  We can establish a civil state that draws the respect of its neighbors later, but for now we will revolt until we fix the country.”

Faces from Yemen’s revolution: Alaa Jarban

In February, a few young students from Sana’a University started protesting, calling for change and and an end to President Saleh’s regime. It was called ‘the day of rage’, but unlike that in Egypt, the Yemeni protest didn’t last longer than the afternoon, and then they went back to their normal lives again. A group of those students created an initiative to clean the streets where the protest had taken place. The idea, as they describe it, was to clean up what ‘politics’ has caused in Yemen. “We wanted to prove to the others that we didn’t protest to ruin the country, but to reform it,” said one of the protesters. That first protest was one of the initial sparks that would lead to the sit-in in front of Sana’a University, soon to be renamed ‘Change Square’, that continues to this day. Attending that first protest was Alaa Jarban, a 21 year old in his third year of a business administration degree at Sana’a University. Alaa has always believed in more freedom, democracy and human rights before “the youth revolution” started in Yemen. He had already been engaged in human rights activities, spending six months in Bulgaria with the Youth Peer Education Network (Y-PEER ). This is a youth-to-youth initiative pioneered by UNFPA that brings together more than 500 non-profit organizations and government institutions. Its thousands of young members work in the area of adolescent sexual and reproductive health. Alaa is also responsible for his family of three sisters and his mother. “My mother kicks me out of the house, urging me to go to Change Square,” said Alaa. On Feb. 24, two young journalists and three activists were called upon to meet President Ali Abdullah Saleh, and to deliver their message stating why they wanted him to step down. The five decided to call those who they believed in to share the moment where they could speak clearly to the president and ask him to leave. Alaa was one of those they called. He attended the group discussion about what to say to the president. Together they papered a draft of demands for a civil state that Saleh’s regime has still failed to establish. Alaa worked hard with the group until nightfall. But by the end of the meeting, he stood up and told the group that whilst he appreciated the way they thought, he could not join them. “I believe that two hours with Saleh is wasting our time. I prefer to be doing something else in the protest that the people will get benefit from,” said Alaa. Over the five months of anti-government protest, Alaa took shifts in the security committees of the protest, and used social media to mobilize people for marches and escalations. He has been dedicating his time to tweet the international community the events unfolding in Yemen. These efforts have attracted threatening messages and phone calls. “On a personal level, I have received threats that I will be eliminated, via phone calls, SMS, Facebook and even Twitter. My phone has been tapped for a while, and strangers have tried to kidnap me a few times now when leaving Change Square and walking in the city. I have friends who have been captured and tortured by the security forces. Then they are conditionally released. They are now planning to leave the country.” Alaa wrote. “This all puts a heavy psychological pressure on me. I can’t go out easily. I can’t go out on my own, and I can’t stop worrying about my family’s safety. The financial pressures also adds to the troubles. There’s a fuel shortage, and long lines of cars waiting at empty gas stations on a false hope that they will find few gallons of fuel and diesel so they can provide food for their family.” “Whether this is planned by the failing regime or not, the world needs to know that Yemenis are living in a severe humanitarian catastrophe. It may get even worse, and we really need the international community’s help to survive.”

Women in Yemen show revolutionary way By: Shatha Al-Harazi

Sana’a, Yemen–This is one of the most conservative countries when it comes to how women are viewed. But the current political climate has changed some of this.Yemeni society has offered limited roles for women in politics. It never expected women to be part of any revolution. Yet the most popular face of Yemen’s anti-government movement is a woman: Tawakkol Karman. As Abubakr Al-Shamahi, a young male protester, said: “The average person looking at Yemeni women will see figures, mostly dressed in black covering their faces, and assume that this is Taliban Afghanistan. It is not. These women shout louder than the men, are more heartfelt, and more politically active. Look at the woman who started the protests, Tawakkol Karman.” On April 14 President Saleh said women should not protest along with men in the street as it’s a social shame. The response was huge protests, whether women only or mixed, in many governorates [provinces] condemning what Saleh said. “My father and mother don’t like me to be part of these protests. They try to stop me as they know what kind of cruel regime we have. I know how they feel but I can’t stop now. It’s the only time to make my children’s future better,” says Karman about her role. WOMEN JOIN THE FIGHT Anti-government demonstrations in Sana’a comprise four large tents especially for women. It is a stark contrast compared to mid-February on the first day of the sit-in demonstration when 30 men set up camping tents outside Sana’a University. There were no women. But on the second day a woman joined them and set up her tent. This shocked a conservative society that viewed her as a criminal for daring to sleep in the same area with men she does not know. By now, a few weeks later, more women have joined the sit-in demonstration and are encouraging others to do the same. Farida Al-Yarimi, a 47-year-old mother of five, was that first Yemeni woman to camp in the street in a bid to overthrow the regime. “I knew what I did wasn’t expected, but one of us had to start doing something. When I first came here I expected the worst, but it was great. The way the men protected me and secured the tent was good. Even traditional tribesmen don’t look down on us now,” reflects Al-Yarimi on her experience. Her family joined her two days after she set up her tent, and she has since become a leading female protester. Most women protesters are older than 40, as many Yemeni families are still preventing their daughters from participating. But women have the same grievances that men hold. Um Ahmed, a mother in her mid-50s in the women’s tent at Sana’a University, says the government has offered her no assistance: “They think only of themselves. They never think of their people as human beings. They live in palaces with our money while we can’t provide food for our children.” GIRLS JOIN TOO Women have found different means to participate in protests. Some young girls who aren’t allowed to participate in public demonstrations have started a Facebook group to share their ideas and to ensure that their voices are heard. Ashwaq Sobaie’, a 17-year-old high school student, was warned by her school principal that she would be dismissed from school if she continued participating in anti-government protests. Her reply was that she does not care what her school thinks of her. She continued protesting and also encouraged her school friends to participate. “I started camping at Sana’a University from the third day of the sit-in. My mother encourages everybody at our house to protest. I put everything that I needed in my bag and ran away from school to the protest. That is where I belong,” says Sobaie’. WE FIGHT THE REGIME AND OUR SOCIETY Another young woman protester hid from her family her participation in protests. Yasmin Al-Qadhi, 25, is the daughter of a widely respected tribal sheikh who opposes President Saleh. Although she and her 15 sisters grew up in a political environment, they have to fight for the right to participate in politics. Al-Qadhi was one of three girls who joined thousands of male protesters on Feb. 3. She doesn’t camp at Sana’a University, but has an active role as a protest organizer. “We need to revolt twice as hard as men. We have to fight against the regime, but we also have to fight against discrimination from Yemeni men,” says Al-Qadhi. One of her brothers said that women protesters who took to the streets alongside men were “prostitutes.” He is not the only person who holds this opinion, as Yemen largely is a tribal society with traditional values that define men’s and women’s roles. “I didn’t care about what my brother wanted me to do. I’m a citizen of Yemen, just like any male citizen, and I have the right to work for goodness and change in my country. I won’t let anyone stop me,” says Al-Qadhi. April 14, 2011

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Special from Yemen: Regime forces open fire on protesters rejecting GCC-brokered plan By: Shatha Al-Harazi Thu, 28/04/2011

Me and Yemen Unified again :-D

If not for the revolution I wouldn’t know how great Yemenis are, unique, and brave. Today the sense of belonging finally knew its way to my heart. All those disagreements, differences melt to emerge the best in us. I won’t talk about Houthis coming along with Islah, I won’t talk about tribesmen giving up their weapons, I won’t talk about women walking proudly in the most crowded place in Yemen and not being harassed. This is all old news now. I will talk about saleem the 11 years-old boy who went to al-Tagheer square by luck and lost his eyes by a sniper. Saleem is just a smell boy with a huge Yemeni inside him just like the others when he heard the shooting he ran. They all ran but only in Yemen they run toward the shooting. I remember how surprised my friend Iona Craig was when she told me how brave Yemenis are and that she has never seen such a thing any where ales but Yemen. I will talk about Me .finally not for the revolution I wouldn’t know how great Yemenis are, unique, and brave. Today the sense of belonging finally knew its way to my heart. All those disagreements, differences melt to emerge the best in us. I won’t talk about Houthis coming along with Islah, I won’t talk about tribesmen giving up their weapons, I won’t talk about women walking proudly in the most crowded place in Yemen and not being harassed. This is all old news now. I will talk about saleem the 11 years-old boy who went to Al-Tagheer square by luck and lost his eyes by a sniper. Saleem is just a small boy with a huge Yemeni inside him,  just like the others when he heard the shooting he ran. They all ran but only in Yemen they run toward the shooting. I remember how surprised my friend Iona Craig was when she told me how brave Yemenis are and that she has never seen such a thing any where ales but Yemen. I will talk about Me. Finally I found me when I felt there is a role that can’t be done by anyone ales. When I felt the history will prosecute me if I didn’t dedicate my time to add for this revo and to learn from these wonderful people. If it’s for revo I wouldn’t know how great, creative Yemenis there are. I wouldn’t become friends and learn from Farida, that modest women who joined the protest from the second day Afrah Nasser, Atiaf, , Sarah, Arwa, Ashwaq the 17 years-old girl who hide her school uniform run from school to help organizing the square, And many many more.

It’s a new Yemen that believes in sharing, understanding and acceptance.

On the stage, the spirit of the revolution By: Shatha Al-Harazi

Protesters gather in front of the stage in Change Square to listen to guest speakers and musicYT Photo by Ali Saeed

A very different culture has evolved in ‘Change Square’, the area around Sana’a University that has become the central location for anti-government demonstrators in the capital. The announcements that are made from the stage in the square affects strongly the mentality of the protesters, and the stereotypes about them that have been drawn by observers.

Back on Feb. 20, when the protests were still just starting, the stage was smaller and used mostly to repeat the slogans of the revolution, such as “the people want the withdrawal of the regime.” However, the revolution has grown, and has now continued for over 12 weeks. The stage has increased in size and its role has evolved with the protests.

On the first Friday of the protests, there were only four speakers to broadcast the message of those who took to the stage to address the protesters. Each Friday the number of speakers grew, until now there are at least 80 speakers that broadcast the message over the entire sprawling protest area.

“Friday’s are special, as more people join whether for the prayers and the speeches, or just to join the sit-in. We need everybody to be updated on the revolution’s latest news and discussions, so it’s important to make sure the sound reaches everyone from the stage,” said Walid Al-Amari, who is among those who first setup the stage.

Some describe the stage as “the spirit of the revolution” given the influence and impact it has upon those at the protest. It has, however, also been the cause of conflict between the different youth movements, and some of those belonging to the Islah Party, the largest political block that makes up the opposition Joint Meeting Parties (JMP).

The JMP decided to join demonstrations at the square on Feb. 21. The Islah party took upon itself the responsibility of organizing the demonstration area. They started by organizing the stage, then went onto putting their mark upon the financial and donations committee, the protest security committee, and the field hospital. They seemed to want a role in even the smallest details of the protest camp. In March, conflicts started between Islah’s members and independents in the revolution, beginning with the stage.

“Controlling the stage means controlling the message that one delivers to the people, who have full trust in what is said on the stage, which is dangerous,” said one of the independent protesters.

According to Al-Amari, the conflict over the stage has now been solved. There are two committees that share responsibility for the stage. One includes ten of the founders of the stage, and the second arranges the program schedule and receives participants from the audience that want to share their point of view.

Various shows and discussions are held on the stage. Arrangements are announced, and sometimes humor takes over the stage. The program usually starts at 9:30 am, though it also depends upon events the day before. If there were clashes during the day before, the program starts later than usual as people are still tired.

The program has two shifts, one from 9:30 am to 4 pm, and a second from 4:3+ to 11:30 pm. The program includes a news hour that summarizes the events of the revolution in the capital and in other governorates.

During clashes with pro-government supporters or security forces, the stage plays a pivotal organizational role. It is the central point for propagating plans of resistance. Announcements are given detailing which areas are being attacked, and rallying calls are made for supporters to join their brothers at flash points. It also provides a central role in coordinating the medical tents, and the movement of medical supplies in the camp. During times of conflict, religious messages are broadcast from the stage to keep the protesters’ motivation high.

“The role of the stage is to mobilize the protesters. It’s also to lift up the spirits [of protesters]. Those people who have left their houses and have stayed on the streets since February need this spirit the most, to continue what they have started. Through the stage we manage to send out the important message of patience,“ explained Al-Amari. “It has the role of directing protesters and determines the location of marches. It is also used to respond to rumors.”

Political and academic discussions are held on the stage to raise public awareness and to share different points of views. “The stage is an institution for acceptance and coexistence between the different groups in the square. There are different religious sects, different political points of views, so a better understanding is built and past conflicts are reduced,” said Al-Amari.

The stage does not exist solely for leaders and organizers, but is also open to the people on the street who make-up the backbone of the protests. They are also given space to have their say and share their views and feelings in front of the crowds. Wedding parties have been held on stage where the groom (but not the bride) dances and gives speeches. It has been the place where engagements have been announced by the groom-to-be and the father of the bride-to-be.

A unique role played by the stage is to hold auctions. Once the motorbike of a martyr from the “Friday of Dignity” was auctioned. At another time a huge cake with the word “Irhal” (leave) written on it was auctioned off. The protesters have formed a special finance committee to handle the protests donations and distribute funds earned from auctions

The program is sometimes host to musical or other artistic events, from the singing of traditional Yemeni songs, to hip hop, to shooting video clips of revolutionary songs.

The protests at ‘Change Square’ in Sana’a, as in other ‘Change Squares’ in many other governorates of Yemen, have brought together a multitude of different Yemenis across the economic, religious and political spectrum like nothing else has before. The protest areas have become the body politic of a new Yemen that projects tolerance, patience, resistance and cooperation. And the stage acts as the beating heart of this vibrant new body.

Al-Jazeera’s staff in Yemen suffering threats and assaults By: Shatha Al-Harazi

Al-Jazeera’s staff in Yemen suffering threats and assaults

SANA’A, Mar. 23 – A cameraman for Al-Jazeera was beaten by pro-government “thugs” in Taiz on Wednesday morning. The morning before, “thugs” broke into Al-Jazeera’s office in the capital Sana’a and stole their equipment, according to eyewitness. Two of Al-Jazeera’s correspondents were deported from Yemen on Friday night.

Mujeeb Sowailh, an Al-Jazeera cameraman in Taiz, is in hospital after “thugs” broke his hand while he was filming at Freedom Square, where an anti-government sit-in has been taking place, according to his colleague Mohammed Al-Saeed.

Al-Saeed, who is Al-Jazeera’s cameraman in Sana’a, told the Yemen Times that he also found Wednesday morning the most intimidating day so far covering the news in Yemen. “I experienced much harassment while doing my job today, covering the news at the parliament. They cursed me and I received many threats,” said Al-Saeed.

Al-Mutamer.net, the ruling party website, reported Tarq Al-Shami, the ruling party’s spokesman, as saying that Al-Jazeera was inciting to destroy Yemen’s stability and that it’s not covering the situation in Yemen professionally.

On Tuesday morning around 2:00am, 20 masked and armed men broke into the Al-Jazeera office in Sana’a. A resident from the same building who witnessed the attack, told the Yemen Times that two old land cruisers with tinted windows and without number plates brought the attackers.

“First they held the building’s guards, and they had electronic tools to break into the office,” said the source who asked to remain anonymous.

After the theft of Al-Jazeera’s equipment, the office in Sana’a now only conducts administrative work, according to Al-Saeed.

Ahmed Al-Shalafi, Al-Jazeera’s reporter in Sana’a, has been receiving threats for his coverage of the events in Change Square, near the Sana’a University. According to Al-Jazeera.net, Al-Shalafi has also received threats that his children would be kidnaped.

“We are not scared of these threats. Al-Jazeera’s correspondents are truthful witnesses, and they transfer what’s happening.” The Yemen Times attempted to contact Al-Shalafi six times to confirm if he was still receiving threats, but he could not be reached by phone.

On Tuesday, President Saleh claimed that the political unrest in Yemen was a consequence of a hostile media.

Jamal Ana’am, a rights and freedoms officer at the Yemeni Journalists Syndicate, told the Yemen times that even the syndicate had received threats from the state. “Even though a state of emergency has now been declared, it makes no difference for journalists as they were never treated fairly by the state. We already live in the emergency situation,” said Ana’am.

The syndicate condemns the state’s practises against Al-Jazeera and other journalists that have been covering the protests.

“We demand the state to take a moral stand, and to act within its responsibility towards journalists,” said Ana’am. He also asked the protesters for more protection for journalists at the protests. “The protesters should make sure that thugs aren’t able to get into the protest area. In that way we guarantee better protection for the journalists,” he added.